quarta-feira, 30 de setembro de 2009


Nous avons pu rencontrer Naomi Klein, cette journaliste et écrivaine canadienne, auteure du livre “No Logo”, et plus récemment de “la stratégie du choc” (2007, Actes Sud). Alors que la crise financière s’installe dans le monde entier, il nous a semblé utile d’entendre cette spécialiste du “capitalisme du désastre”.
There's a bad mood rising against the corporate brands.
No Logo is the warning on the label.

Once a poster boy for the new economy, Bill Gates has become global whipping boy. Nike's swoosh - the marketing success of the nineties - is now equated with sweatshop labour, and teenage McDonald's workers are joining the Teamsters. What is going on? No Logo, an incisive and insightful report from the frontlines of mounting backlash against multinational corporations, explains why some of the most revered brands in the world are finding themselves on the wrong end of a bottle of spray paint, a computer hack, or an international anti-corporate campaign.

No Logo uncovers a betrayal of the central promises of the information age: choice, interactivity, and increased freedom. And as job security disappears, the respectful reverence which corporations enjoyed as engines of the economy is also dissipating - as is their protection from worker and citizen rage.

Equal parts cultural analysis, political manifesto, mall-rat memoir, and journalistic exposé, No Logo is the first book to put the new resistance into pop-historical and clear economic perspective. Naomi Klein tells a story of rebellion and self-determination in the face of our new branded world.

No Logo - Brands, Globalization & Resistance

In the age of the brand, logos are everywhere. But why do some of the world's best-known brands find themselves on the wrong end of the spray paint can -- the targets of anti-corporate campaigns by activists and protesters?

No Logo, based on the best-selling book by Canadian journalist and activist Naomi Klein, reveals the reasons behind the backlash against the increasing economic and cultural reach of multinational companies. Analyzing how brands like Nike, The Gap, and Tommy Hilfiger became revered symbols worldwide, Klein argues that globalization is a process whereby corporations discovered that profits lay not in making products (outsourced to low-wage workers in developing countries), but in creating branded identities people adopt in their lifestyles.

Using hundreds of media examples, No Logo shows how the commercial takeover of public space, destruction of consumer choice, and replacement of real jobs with temporary work - the dynamics of corporate globalization - impact everyone, everywhere. It also draws attention to the democratic resistance arising globally to challenge the hegemony of brands.

Source : http://www.mediaed.org/cgi-bin/commerce.cgi?preadd=action&key=115

terça-feira, 29 de setembro de 2009

Listening to Grasshoppers: Field Notes on Democracy

‘What happens once democracy has been used up? When it has been hollowed out and emptied of meaning?’

Combining brilliant political insight and razor-sharp prose, Listening to Grasshoppers is the essential new book from Arundhati Roy. In these essays, she takes a hard look at the underbelly of the world’s largest democracy, and shows how the journey that Hindu nationalism and neo-liberal economic reforms began together in the early 1990s is unravelling in dangerous ways.

Beginning with the state-backed killing of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, she writes about how ‘progress’ and genocide have historically gone hand in hand; about the murky investigations into the 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament; about the dangers of an increasingly powerful and entirely unaccountable judiciary; and about the collusion between large corporations, the government and the mainstream media.

The collection ends with an account of the August 2008 uprising in Kashmir and an analysis of the November 2008 attacks on Mumbai. ‘The Briefing’, included as an appendix, is a fictional text that brings together many of the issues central to the collection.

As it tracks the fault-lines that threaten to destroy India's precarious future, Listening to Grasshoppers asks fundamental questions about democracy itself, a political system that has, by virtue of being considered ‘the best available option’, been put beyond doubt and correction.

After 20 Years of Filmmaking on US Injustices, Michael Moore Goes to the Source in “Capitalism: A Love Story”

Beginning with the 1989 classic Roger & Me, the Academy Award-winning director Michael Moore says his films “come back to this central core concern, which is the economic system we have is unfair, it’s unjust, it’s not democratic.” With his new film, Capitalism: A Love Story, Moore tackles the financial system and the interchanging circles of Washington politicians and corporate managers that run it. Moore says, “I thought I’d just cut to the chase and propose that we deal with this economic system and try to restructure it in a way that benefits people and not the richest one percent.”
Author Arundhati Roy on the Human Costs of India's Economic Growth, the View of Obama from New Delhi, and Escalating US Attacks in Af-Pak

We’re joined from the Indian capital of New Delhi by the Booker Prize-winning novelist, political essayist and global justice activist Arundhati Roy. Her books include the Booker Prize-winning novel The God of Small Things and her latest essay collection, Field Notes on Democracy: Listening to Grasshoppers. We speak to Roy about India’s conflict with Maoist rebels, the occupation of Kashmir, ongoing Indian-Pakistani tensions, Obama’s war in “Af-Pak,” and more.

segunda-feira, 28 de setembro de 2009

Remastered (NEW) - New World Order Documentary 2008

Great compilation of clips from truth documentaries. Some of the topics covered in the film: The New World Order, Federal Reserve, Bilderberg Group, Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations, North American Union, the Rockefeller/Rothschild families, Freemasonry, Bohemian Grove, the Illuminati, Illuminati symbolism, Problem-Reaction-Solution, 9-11, war profiteering, the phoney 'War on Terrorism', the impending 'Big Brother Surveillance Society', the war on civil liberties, microchipping, mind control, media control and 'education system' indoctrination... Featuring: Alex Jones, David Icke, Aaron Russo, Jordan Maxwell, G. Edward Griffin, Jim Marrs, Bill Hicks, Daniel Estulin, Jim Tucker, Ted Gunderson, Anthony Hilder, Professor Steven Jones, Webster Tarpley, George Carlin, John Taylor Gatto, Charlotte Iserbyt, Dave vonKleist, Stan Monteith and others...

domingo, 27 de setembro de 2009

A video biography of George Orwell

George Orwell Part 1

George Orwell Part 2

George Orwell Part 3

George Orwell Part 4

George Orwell Part 5

George Orwell Part 6 -an overview of his work.
Orwell Se Revira No Seu Túmulo
O realizador Robert Kane Pappas investiga o que a mídia não gosta de falar: Sobre si. Reconstituindo meticulosamente o processo pelo qual a imprensa têm distorcido e frequentemente negado acontecimentos noticiosos reais, Pappas apresenta uma eloqüente e fascinante mistura de profissionais da mídia e de orientadoras vozes intelectuais na imprensa. ORWELL ROLLS IN HIS GRAVE fornece um fórum para idéias que nunca irão ser ouvidas na imprensa. Danny Schecter da Globalvision: “Falsamente pensamos no nosso país como sendo uma democracia quando esta evoluiu para uma "mídiacracia", onde a imprensa que supostamente deveriam controlar os abusos políticos fazem parte do abuso politico.” O professor de jornalismo da Universidade de Nova York diz: “Estas entidades comerciais rivalizam atualmente com o governo pelo controle sobre as nossas vidas. Não são um contrapeso saudável para o governo. Goebbels afirmou que o que se deseja num sistema de mídia – estamos a falar no sistema nazi de mídia - é apresentar uma ostensiva diversidade que oculta uma real uniformidade.”
War and Globalization - The Truth Behind September 11 (9/11)

In this lecture by Michel Chossudovsky, he blows away the smokescreen put up by the mainstream media, that 9/11 was an attack on America by "Islamic terrorists". Through meticulous research, he has uncovered a military-intelligence ploy behind the September 11 attacks, and the cover-up and complicity of key members of the Bush Administration. According to Chossudovsky, the "war on terrorism" is a complete fabrication based on the illusion that one man, Osama bin Laden, outwitted the $40 billion-a-year American intelligence apparatus. The "war on terrorism" is a war of conquest. Globalisation is the final march to the "New World Order", dominated by Wall Street and the U.S. military-industrial complex. September 11, 2001 provides a justification for waging a war without borders. Washington's agenda consists in extending the frontiers of the American Empire to facilitate complete U.S. corporate control, while installing within America the institutions of the Homeland Security State.
noam chomsky poder y terror english sub spanish.avi

Este documental habla de cómo las grandes potencias del mundo han aplicado el terror a lo largo de la historia mucho más allá de lo que los grupos terroristas puedan soñar. En este momento, y con EEUU como principal potencia del mundo, esta situación se reproduce de modo intenso. Noam Chomsky habla en varias conferencias y entrevistas sobre cómo es esta dominación y la aplicación del terror por parte de EEUU en el mundo, así como de cuál es el papel que ejercemos y debemos ejercer para invertir la situación.

John Pilger : The Invisible Government

John Pilger "The Invisible Government" Part 2/4

John Pilger "The Invisible Government" Part 3/4

John Pilger "The Invisible Government" Part 4/4
John Pilger writes about journalism, about war by journalism, propaganda, and silence, and how that silence might be broken.

In a speech in Chicago, John Pilger describes how propaganda has become such a potent force in our lives and, in the words of one of its founders, represents 'an invisible government'.

The title of this talk is Freedom Next Time, which is the title of my book, and the book is meant as an antidote to the propaganda that is so often disguised as journalism. So I thought I would talk today about journalism, about war by journalism, propaganda, and silence, and how that silence might be broken. Edward Bernays, the so-called father of public relations, wrote about an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. He was referring to journalism, the media. That was almost 80 years ago, not long after corporate journalism was invented. It is a history few journalist talk about or know about, and it began with the arrival of corporate advertising. As the new corporations began taking over the press, something called “professional journalism” was invented. To attract big advertisers, the new corporate press had to appear respectable, pillars of the establishment—objective, impartial, balanced. The first schools of journalism were set up, and a mythology of liberal neutrality was spun around the professional journalist. The right to freedom of expression was associated with the new media and with the great corporations, and the whole thing was, as Robert McChesney put it so well, “entirely bogus”.
THE OIL FACTOR: Behind the War on Terror

After assessing today's dwindling oil reserves and skyrocketing use of oil for fuels, plastics and chemicals, "The Oil Factor" questions the motives for the U.S. wars in the Middle-East and Central Asia where 3/4 of the world's oil and natural gas is located.

With exclusive footage shot on location in Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan, the film documents the spiraling violence now engulfing both Iraq and Afghanistan, a country conspicuously absent from the commercial media's news segments.

Interviews gathered throughout the Middle-East, Europe and the United States, including a Bechtel executive in Baghdad, also expose who is cashing in on the tens of billions of dollars requested from congress by the current administration of G. W. Bush.

With detailed maps and graphics, The Oil Factor features many experts and personalities such as former Defense Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, M.I.T. professor Noam Chomsky, the Project for the New American Century Executive Director Gary Schmitt, Coalition Provisional Authority Chairman Paul Bremer, former Pentagon analyst Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski, current Iraqi government official Abdel Aziz Al-Hakim and authors Ahmed Rashid and Michael C. Ruppert.

Contributing organizations include the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Greenpeace, the Pentagon, Washington's Institute for Policy Studies, New York's World Policy Institute, London's Jane's Intelligence and Petroleum Economist, Paris' Agence France Press and Center for Energy Strategy Studies (C.E.P.S.E.) or the Organization for Economic and Cooperative Development (O.E.C.D.)
Prof Nicholas Vincent on Magna Carta

Must-hear lecture on the iconic document: an incisive, absorbing and often humorous account of Magna Carta's history and significance

1215 and all that: a Bad King, and a Good Thing

In this fascinating lecture, Professor Nicholas Vincent – author and Professor of Medieval History at the University of East Anglia, and one of the world's leading experts on the world of Magna Carta – talks about the great icon of liberty: its background, its significance, and its various physical incarnations.

We learn why restrictions on fish weirs were such an important part of its provisions, and how governments tried and failed to give away other people's copies of Magna Carta to the US to encourage them into World War II.

Prof Vincent also explains how the document would have been forgotten but for an eight-year-old boy called Henry; how it gained its modern status as an icon of liberty through a 17th-century lawyer; and how it didn't get given away to America thanks to an eccentric postwar spinster who liked dressing up in medieval clothes.

He also reveals some of the badness of King John which precipitated the drafting of Magna Carta in the first place. John was the archetypal 'Bad King': a man who divorced his first wife in favour of a girl who was at most 12 and possibly only eight; who starved to death the wife and children of a man who displeased him; who sided with or against Rome to suit the moment; who stole from the church; and who royally fleeced his barons to finance a failed land-grab in France. No wonder he was unpopular.

Prof Vincent also answers some interesting audience questions at the end, such as an enquiry about other countries with equivalents of Magna Carta (medieval Aragon, Castille and Hungary, but not too closely, is the gist of the answer). And he punctures a few misconceptions: Magna Carta did not, for instance, 'establish the right of habeas corpus' - that came in the 17th century.

Anyone interested in this frequently cited document of liberty and freedom will want to hear this in full. Superbly informed, enjoyably erudite, witty and engaging, this lecture should not be missed.
Magna Carta : Treasures in Full

Magna Carta is one of the most celebrated documents in history. Examine the British Library's copy close-up, translate it into English, hear what our curator says about it, and explore a timeline.

British Library Head of Medieval and Earlier Manuscripts Claire Breay answers 'frequently asked questions' in a series of short videos.

sábado, 26 de setembro de 2009

Myth of the Liberal Media - The Propaganda Model of News

Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky demolish one of the central tenets of our political culture, the idea of the "liberal media." Instead, utilizing a systematic model based on massive empirical research, they reveal the manner in which the news media are so subordinated to corporate and conservative interests that their function can only be described as that of "elite propaganda."

"If you want to understand the way a system works, you look at its institutional structure. How it is organized, how it is controlled, how it is funded." -Noam Chomsky

"The Mainstream media really represent elite interests, and what the propaganda model tries to do is stipulate a set of institutional variables, reflecting this elite power, that very powerfully influence the media." -Edward Herman

Source : http://www.mediaed.org/cgi-bin/commerce.cgi?preadd=action&key=114

Suspect Nation - Complete Surveillance

Britain has undergone a huge change in the last few years. Since 9/11, the state has developed a very different view of its’ citizens. New surveillance technologies are penetrating every aspect of our lives and we don’t even know it. Across the country, millions of cameras are watching us. The police will soon be able to record every journey we make and soon the state will want all of our fingerprints and iris scans.

Since Tony Blair’s New Labour government came to power in 1997, the UK civil liberties landscape has changed dramatically. ASBOs wereintroduced by Section 1 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and first used in 1999. The right to remain silent is no longer universal. Our right to privacy, free from interception of communications has been severely curtailed. The ability to travel without surveillance (or those details of our journeys being retained) has disappeared.Indeed, as Henry Porter (the Observer journalist famous for his recent email clash with Tony Blair over the paring down of civil liberties) reveals in this unsettling film, our movements are being watched, and recorded, more than ever before.

TAKING LIBERTIES is a shocking but hilarious polemic documentary that charts the destruction of all your Basic Liberties under 10 Years of New Labour. Released to coincide with Tony Blair's departure, the film and the book follow the stories of normal people who's lives have been turned upside down by injustice - from being arrested for holding a placard outside parliament to being tortured in Guantanamo Bay.

Media & the Israel-Palestine Conflict

Peace, Propaganda & the Promised Land provides a striking comparison of U.S. and international media coverage of the crisis in the Middle East, zeroing in on how structural distortions in U.S. coverage have reinforced false perceptions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This pivotal documentary exposes how the foreign policy interests of American political elites--oil, and a need to have a secure military base in the region, among others--work in combination with Israeli public relations strategies to exercise a powerful influence over how news from the region is reported.

There's a coup d'etat happening in Venezuela against Chavez in 2002, and these Irish documentary filmmakers are right inside of it. The documentary is a historical masterpiece, shot from the center of the action, acute and totally embarrassing for the prime supporters of the coup: the US.

Highly entertaining and exciting. What we get to see is a remarkable account of a country struggling to attain democracy, a charismatic leader (Chavez) who actually cares for his people, and unprecedented access to a historical event as it unfolds.

Kevin Thomas, film critic for the Los Angeles Times, wrote on July 24, 2003 in his review of this film for the L.A. Times:

In a classic instance of being at the right place at the right time, Irish documentarians Kim Bartley and Donnacha O'Briain were in Venezuela, where President Hugo Chavez had given them full access to profile him. Consequently, they were in place when on April 11, 2002, the news media reported that Chavez had been removed from office, arrested and replaced by a self-appointed transitional government composed of the high military command and backed by the country's wealthy elite.

Hugo Chavez, a stocky, virile former soldier with a forceful intellect and charismatic personality, had been democratically elected to office by a landslide in 1998. Said to be close to Fidel Castro, Chavez set about attempting to redistribute the wealth of the country, the world's fourth-largest supplier of oil. The oil industry is state-owned but controlled by the rich and the powerful, while 80% of the population lives in poverty.

While establishing an open government, Chavez held to the principle of free expression. Thus the country's five privately owned TV channels, representing the interests of the Chavez opposition, were free to mount attacks on him, branding him a communist. Chavez used the one state-owned channel that was at his disposal to get out his message.

Ultimately, the army's dissident generals, widely believed in Venezuela to have had U.S. support, were by April 2000 able to foment a sizable anti-Chavez street demonstration in Caracas. A march on the oil industry administration was redirected to the presidential palace to drive Chavez from office. In the meantime the dissidents managed to cut the signal of the single state TV channel and orchestrate their version of the growing clash between anti- and pro-Chavez supporters. Chavez, while refusing to resign office, surrendered to the military in order to avoid the palace being bombed.

This overthrow of a democratically elected government has been called "the world's first media coup," in which Chavez's enemies invented their version of the turmoil to justify their takeover. But Chavez supporters were able to get the state TV channel operating again, and the already outraged masses, once informed of what was going on, mounted another march on the presidential palace, restoring Chavez and his administration to power in a mere 48 hours.

Somehow Bartley and O'Briain and their crews seem to have been everywhere at once, and they bring both excitement and clarity to a series of complex, rapidly developing events. They made the most of their extraordinary opportunity to record history, and the way in which they revealed the role the electronic media played, both for better and for worse, carries implications as obvious as they are profound.
Greil Marcus on his book "The Shape of Things to Come"

Fascinating conversation with renowned music journalist, cultural critic and author Greil Marcus on his new book "The Shape of Things to Come: Prophecy and the American Voice". He has authored many previous books including "Mystery Train: Images of America in Rock 'n' Roll Music" and "Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century". In this conversation, Greil discusses "The Shape of Things to Come" and its "kaleidoscopic investigation of American identity" -- he ruminates as only he can about what America actually is -- an idea -- and how this has impacted the country and its idea of itself since its founding to today. An extraordinary discussion with a master writer and storyteller on how he sees America and how America sees itself.
The Model Pupil [Indonesia] excerpted from the book The New Rulers of the World

Flying into Jakarta, it is not difficult to imagine the city below fitting the World Bank's description of Indonesia. A 'model pupil of globalisation' was the last of many laurels the bank bestowed. That was almost five years ago. Within weeks, short-term global capital had fled the country, the stock market and currency had crashed, and the number of people living in absolute poverty had reached almost 70 million. The next year, 1998, General Suharto was forced to resign after thirty years as dictator, taking with him severance pay estimated at $15 billion, the equivalent of almost 13 percent of his country's foreign debt, much of it owed to the World Bank.'

Nike workers get about 4 per cent of the retail price of the shoes they make, which is not enough to buy the laces.

The workers I met later, secretly, told me: 'If Gap trousers have to be finished, we don't leave. We stay till the order is full, no matter the time. If you want to go to the toilet, you have to be lucky. If the supervisor says no, you shit in your pants . . . we are treated like animals because we have to work hard all the time without saying a word.'

I told them the Gap company boasted about a 'code of conduct' that protected workers' basic rights.

'We've never seen it,' they said. 'Foreigners from Gap come to the factory, but they are interested only in quality control and the rate of production. They never ask about working conditions. They don't even look at us.'

Agribusiness in the West, especially the United States and Europe, has produced its famous surpluses and export power only because of high tariff walls and massive domestic subsidies. The result has been a monopoly on humanity's staples

... according to a CIA memorandum, Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and President John Kennedy had agreed to 'liquidate President Sukarno, depending on the situation and available opportunities'. The CIA author added, 'It is not clear to me whether murder or overthrow is intended by the word liquidate.'

Sukarno was a populist, the founder of modern Indonesia and of the non-aligned movement of developing countries, which he hoped would forge a genuine 'third way' between the spheres of the two superpowers. In 1955, he convened the 'Asia-Africa Conference' in the Javanese hill city of Bandung. It was the first time the leaders of the developing world, the majority of humanity, had met to forge common interests: a prospect that alarmed the western powers, especially as the vision and idealism of nonalignment represented a potentially popular force that might seriously challenge neo-colonialism. The hopes invested in such an unprecedented meeting are glimpsed in the faded tableaux and black-and-white photographs in the museum at Bandung and in the forecourt of the splendid art deco Savoy Hotel, where the following Bandung Principles are displayed:

I - Respect for fundamental human rights and the principles of the United Nations Charter.

2 - Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations.

3 - The recognition of the equality of all peoples.

4 - The settlement of disputes by peaceful means.

Sukarno could be a democrat and a demagogue. For a time, Indonesia was a parliamentary democracy, then became what he called a 'guided democracy'. He encouraged mass trade unions and peasant, women's and cultural movements. Between 1959 and 1965, more than 15 million people joined political parties or affiliated mass organisations that were encouraged to challenge British and American influence in the region. With 3 million members, the PKI was the largest communist party in the world outside the Soviet Union and China. According to the Australian historian Harold Crouch, 'the PKI had won widespread support not as a revolutionary party but as an organisation defending the interests of 'the poor within the existing system'. It was this popularity, rather than any armed insurgency, that alarmed the Americans. Like Vietnam to the north, Indonesia might 'go communist' .

In 1990, the American investigative journalist Kathy Kadane revealed the extent of secret American collaboration in the massacres of 1965-66 which allowed Suharto to seize the presidency. Following a series of interviews with former US officials, she wrote, 'They systematically compiled comprehensive lists of communist operatives. As many as 5,000 names were furnished to the Indonesian army, and the Americans later checked off the names of those who had been killed or captured.' One of those interviewed was Robert J Martens, a political officer in the US embassy in Jakarta. 'It was a big help to the army,' he said. 'They probably killed a lot of people and I probably have a lot of blood on my hands, but that's not all bad. There's a time when you have to strike hard at a decisive moment.' Joseph Lazarsky, the deputy CIA station chief in Jakarta, said that confirmation of the killings came straight from Suharto's headquarters. 'We were getting a good account in Jakarta of who was being picked up,' he said. 'The army had a "shooting list" of about 4,000 or 5,000 people. They didn't have enough goon squads to zap them all, and some individuals were valuable for interrogation. The infrastructure [of the PKI] was zapped almost immediately. We knew what they were doing . . . Suharto and his advisers said, if you keep them alive you have to feed them.'

Having already armed and equipped much of the army, Washington secretly supplied Suharto's troops with a field communications network as the killings got under way. Flown in at night by US air force planes based in the Philippines, this was state-of-the-art equipment, whose high frequencies were known to the CIA and the National Security Agency advising President Johnson. Not only did this allow Suharto's generals to co-ordinate the killings, it meant that the highest echelons of the US administration were listening in and that Suharto could seal off large areas of the country. Although there is archive film of people being herded into trucks and driven away, a single fuzzy photograph of a massacre is, to my knowledge, the only pictorial record of what was Asia's holocaust

The American Ambassador in Jakarta was Marshall Green, known in the State Department as 'the coupmaster'. Green had arrived in Jakarta only months earlier, bringing with him a reputation for having masterminded the overthrow of the Korean leader Syngman Rhee, who had fallen out with the Americans. When the killings got under way in Indonesia, manuals on student organising, written in Korean and English, were distributed by the US embassy to the Indonesian Student Action Command (KAMI), whose leaders were sponsored by the CIA.

On October 5, 1965, Green cabled Washington on how the United States could 'shape developments to our advantage'. The plan was to blacken the name of the PKI and its 'protector', Sukarno. The propaganda should be based on '[spreading] the story of the PKI's guilt, treachery and brutality'. At the height of the bloodbath, Green assured General Suharto: 'The US is generally sympathetic with and admiring of what the army is doing.'' As for the numbers killed, Howard Federspiel, the Indonesia expert at the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research in 1965, said, 'No one cared, as long as they were communists, that they were being butchered. No one was getting very worked up about it.'

The Americans worked closely with the British, the reputed masters and inventors of the 'black' propaganda admired and adapted by Joseph Goebbels in the 1930s. Sir Andrew Gilchrist, the Ambassador in Jakarta, made his position clear in a cable to the Foreign Office: 'I have never concealed from you my belief that a little shooting in Indonesia would be an essential preliminary to effective change.' With more than 'a little shooting' under way, and with no evidence of the PKI's guilt, the embassy advised British intelligence headquarters in Singapore on the line to be taken, with the aim of 'weakening the PKI permanently'.

Suitable propaganda themes might be: PKI brutality in murdering Generals and [Foreign Minister] Nasution's daughter . . . PKI subverting Indonesia as agents of foreign Communists . . . But treatment will need to be subtle, e.g. (a) all activities should be strictly unattributable, (b) British participation or co-operation should be carefully concealed.

Within two weeks, an office of the Foreign Office's Information Research Department (IRD) had opened in Singapore. The IRD was a top-secret, cold war propaganda unit headed by Norman Reddaway, one of Her Majesty's most experienced liars. It would be salutary for journalists these days to study the critical role western propaganda played then, as it does now, in shaping the news. Indeed, Reddaway and his colleagues manipulated the press so expertly that he boasted to Gilchrist in a letter marked 'secret and personal' that the story he had promoted - that Sukarno's continued rule would lead to a communist takeover - 'went all over the world and back again' . He described how an experienced Fleet Street journalist agreed 'to give exactly your angle on events in his article ... . i.e. that this was a kid glove coup without butchery.'

Roland Challis, the BBC's South-East Asia correspondent, was a particular target of Reddaway, who claimed that the official version of events could be 'put almost instantly back to Indonesia via the BBC'. Prevented from entering Indonesia along with other foreign journalists, Challis was unaware of the extent of the slaughter. 'It was a triumph for western propaganda,' he told me. 'My British sources purported not to know what was going on, but they knew what the American plan was. There were bodies being washed up on the lawns of the British consulate in Surabaya, and British warships escorted a ship full of Indonesian troops down the Malacca Straits so that they could take part in this terrible holocaust. It was only much later that we learned the American embassy was supplying names and ticking them off as they were killed. There was a deal, you see. In establishing the Suharto regime, the involvement of the IMF and the World Bank was part of it. Sukarno had kicked them out; now Suharto would bring them back. That was the deal.'

With Sukarno now virtually powerless and ill, and Suharto about to appoint himself acting president, the American press reported the Washington-backed coup not as a great human catastrophe, but in terms of the new economic advantages. The massacres were described by Time as 'The West's Best News in Asia'. A headline in US News and World Report read: 'Indonesia: Hope . . . where there was once none'. The renowned New York Times columnist James Reston celebrated 'A gleam of light in Asia' and wrote a kid-glove version that he had clearly been given. The Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt, who was visiting the US, offered a striking example of his sense of humour: 'With 500,000 to a million communist sympathisers knocked off,' he said approvingly, 'I think it's safe to assume a reorientation has taken place.'

Holt's remark was an accurate reflection of the complicity of the Australian foreign affairs and political establishment in the agony of its closest neighbour. The Australian embassy in Jakarta described the massacres as a 'cleansing operation'. The Australian Ambassador, KCO Shann, enthused to Canberra that the Indonesian army was 'refreshingly determined to do over the PKI', adding that the generals had spoken approvingly of the reporting on Radio Australia, which he described as 'a bit dishonest'.' In the Prime Minister's Department, officials considered supporting 'any measures to assist the Indonesian army ... cope with the internal situation'.

In February 1966, [British] Ambassador Gilchrist wrote a report on the scale of the massacres based on the findings of the Swedish Ambassador, who had toured central and eastern Java with his Indonesian wife and had been able to speak to people out of earshot of government officials. Gilchrist wrote to the Foreign Office: 'The Ambassador and I had discussed the killings before he left [on the tour] and he had found my suggested figure of 400,000 quite incredible. His enquiries have led him to reconsider it a very serious under-estimate. A bank manager in Surabaya with twenty employees said that four had been removed one night and beheaded . . . A third of a spinning factory's technicians, being members of a Communist union, had been killed ... The killings in Bali had been particularly monstrous. In certain areas, it was felt that not enough people [emphasis in the original] had been killed.'

On the island of Bali, the 'reorientation' described by Prime Minister Holt meant the violent deaths of at least 80,000 people, although this is generally regarded as a conservative figure. The many western, mostly Australian, tourists who have since taken advantage of cheap package holidays to the island might reflect that beneath the car parks of several of the major tourist hotels are buried countless bodies.

The distinguished campaigner and author Carmel Budiardjo, an Englishwoman married to a tapol and herself a former political prisoner, returned to Indonesia in 2000 and found 'the trauma left by the killings thirty-five years ago still gripping many communities on the island'. She described meeting, in Denpasar, fifty people who had never spoken about their experiences before in public. 'One witness,' she wrote, 'who was 20 years old at the time calmly told us how he had been arrested and held in a large cell by the military, 52 people in all, mostly members of mass organisations from nearby villages. Every few days, a batch of men was taken out, their hands tied behind their backs and driven off to be shot. Only two of the prisoners survived . . . Another witness, an ethnic Chinese Indonesian, gave testimony about the killing of 103 people, some as young as 15. In this case, the people were not arrested but simply taken from their homes and killed, as their names were ticked off a list.'

'In the early sixties,' he said, 'the pressure on Indonesia to do what the Americans wanted was intense. Sukarno wanted good relations with them, but he didn't want their economic system. With America, that is never possible. So he became an enemy. All of us who wanted an independent country, free to make our own mistakes, were made the enemy. They didn't call it globalisation then; but it was the same thing. If you accepted it, you were America's friend. If you chose another way, you were given warnings, and if you didn't comply, hell was visited on you. But I am back; I am well; I have my family. They didn't win.'

Ralph McGehee, a senior CIA operations officer in the 1960s, described the terror in Indonesia from 1965 - 66 as a 'model operation' for the American-run coup that got rid of Salvador Allende in Chile seven years later. 'The CIA forged a document purporting to reveal a leftist plot to murder Chilean military leaders,' he wrote, '[just like] what happened in Indonesia in 1965.' He says Indonesia was also the model for Operation Phoenix in Vietnam, where American-directed death squads assassinated up to 50,000 people. 'You can trace back all the major, bloody events run from Washington to the way Suharto came to power,' he told me. 'The success of that meant that it would be repeated, again and again.'

Indonesia, once owing nothing but having been plundered of its gold, precious stones, wood, spices and other natural riches by its colonial masters, the Dutch, today has a total indebtedness estimated at $262 billion, which is 170 per cent of its gross domestic product. There is no debt like it on earth. It can never be repaid. It is a bottomless hole.

Today, in rebellious West Papua, the army openly supports an Islamic group, Lashkar Jihad, while playing its traditional role of terrorising the local population in order to 'protect' the vast multinational Freeport copper and gold mine, the world's largest. In Aceh, where the American Exxon company has holdings in oil drilling and liquefied natural gas, human rights violations by the army are well documented.

The United States and Australia, in the meantime, have quietly resumed training the officer corps of a military that has never repudiated its genocidal past. In the name of the 'war on terror', the state terrorism that the West backed for forty years is making a comeback.

You Are What You Buy [Fair Trade Video]


Fairtrade Fair Trade forget the davos question listen to the foot of the table no paternalism change the world not obama not clinton not mccain not norris not huckabee altjustice davos is just another rich for rich meeting let the poor bargain
WTO : Why is it BAD for you ?

sexta-feira, 25 de setembro de 2009

How to Bring Solar Energy to Seven Billion People

April 6, 2009 Science at the Theater talk: By exploiting the powers of nanotechnology and taking advantage of non-toxic, Earth-abundant materials, Berkeley Lab's Cyrus Wadia has fabricated new solar cell devices that have the potential to be several orders of magnitude less expensive than conventional solar cells. And by mastering the chemistry of these materials—and the economics of solar energy—he envisions bringing electricity to the 1.2 billion people now living without it.
The big sellout 1
Stiglitz and others on the costs of globalization.

quinta-feira, 24 de setembro de 2009

Filmmaker Michael Moore on Capitalism: A Love Story

Who are we and why do we behave the way that we do? Writer, director and producer Michael Moore has been trying to answer that question his entire filmmaking career. His latest film, Capitalism: A Love Story, investigates the powerful forces behind the calamitous predicament in which countless Americans are finding themselves: losing their homes, jobs and savings to foot the bill for past spending.

What is the price that America - and the rest of the world - pays for its love of capitalism?

From Middle America to the halls of power in Washington to the global financial epicenter in Manhattan, Moore takes filmgoers into uncharted territory as he tries to get to the heart of the matter.


THE BIG SELLOUT is a political film. In various episodes the abstract phenomenon of privatisation is depicted in stories about very concrete human destinies around the globe. The documentary tells tragic, tragicomic but also encouraging stories of the everyday life of people, who day by day have to deal with the effects of privatisation politics, dictated by anonymous international financial institutions in Washington D.C. and Geneva, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO).

In his film, author and director FLORIAN OPITZ reveals the reality of the privatised and globalised world, which is supposed to be effective and shiny. He examines the effects of THE BIG SELLOUT, the worldwide privatisation of basic public services, such as water supply, electricity, public transportation, and even public health care. In South America, Asia, Africa, but also in Europe and the United States, OPITZ meets people, for whom these promises are nothing more than hollow phrases. And what he finds is that THE BIG SELLOUT has only just begun.

FLORIAN OPITZ talks to the architects of the new economic world order, as well as to ordinary people who have to deal with the politics of the former. He tells the story of a South African activist who helps poor families in Soweto, who are disconnected from electricity by the to-be privatised electricity supplier ESKOM, because they cannot afford to pay the high electricity bills anymore. Hunted by the Police and the company's security he and his team of guerilla electricians reconnect these families back, illegally.

Another storyline is about a Philippine mother living with her family in a slum area in Metro-Manila. For years now she has been struggling to find money to pay for the dialysis, her son needs twice a week. If she doesn't succeed until the end of the week, her son will die.

A humorous British train driver and union activist is the protagonist of the third episode. Having proudly started his career in the most efficient railway system in Europe, some years later he finds himself in a privatised, totally fragmented, and run down industry whose service regularly collapses. He is constantly fighting for his colleagues who have been facing more and more pressure from their private employers over the recent years. Pressure that has already lead to a numerous deadly accidents in the British railway system.

Last but not least, THE BIG SELLOUT tells us about the fight of the Bolivian citizens of Cochabamba against an US corporation that had tried to take over the municipal water supply. The tempted takeover lead to the first “water war” in human history, in which tens of thousands Bolivian citizens fought against the Bolivian police and military.

Allthough depicting the tragic privatisation failures all over the world there is a lot of hope in the episodes. In a desperate situation that seems to have no alternative to a „survival of the fittest“ mentality, people unite and stand up against a seemingly all-powerful enemy.

In the documentary, Joseph Stiglitz, one of the world's best known economists and Nobel Prize winner for economy makes the viewer understand where the dogma of privatisation came from, who profits from it, and what societies lose, when following it blindly. As refined former director of the World Bank, he comes from the world of financial institutions, but today he is fighting for the losers of the privatisation process, triggered by these same organizations.

THE BIG SELLOUT is a very special film: The different storylines of the film are not narrated one after the other, but woven together and carefully intertwined in a thrilling, episodical structure that is as compelling as truthful, and results in a film that is even more exciting than the sum of its parts.
'GENERATION RX' Extended Trailer

Common Radius Films is a private documentary and media development company based in Vancouver, British Columbia.
Generation RX marks the first film partnership between the company and international award-winning writer/producer/director Kevin P. Miller.
This film explores how children have been caught in the middle of an unprecedented change in Western culture: that of drugging children with psychiatric medications earlier — and more often than ever before.
GENERATION RX has already garnered the support of some of the most respected names in Hollywood, including writer/director Paul Haggis, who won back-to-back Academy Awards for "Million Dollar Baby," and "Crash."
GENERATION RX, Mr. Haggis said, "is a powerful and often chilling eye-opener. Weeks after viewing, the stories continue to haunt me."
Generation RX: A Prescription for Pain on Vimeo

This documentary tells the story four people and their struggles with prescription drug abuse and also of one woman overcoming the death of her mother, who passed away from the disease of addiction from an overdose. This film delves into the characters introduction to the drugs, their downfall from addiction into their rock bottom, while leading into their hope for freedom from active addiction touching on their recovery process.

terça-feira, 22 de setembro de 2009

Cognitive Control : Dr. Gordon Logan


In this talk, Dr. Gordon Logan of Vanderbilt University discusses current topics in cognitive sciences and research related to efforts to establish cognitive control. Learning Sciences Institute.

Isabel Gauthier : Training Modularity for Cerebral Functional Distance

In this talk, Dr. Isabel Gauthier discusses cutting edge research in cognitive neuroscience related to expertise acquisition and domain specificity.

Gauthier studies visual object recognition, with particular emphasis on the plasticity of recognition mechanisms and their neural substrate. One issue that is of particular interest to her is how the visual system organizes itself into what appears to be category-specific modules. For instance, face recognition is often given as an example of a highly specialized module that may function independently from general object recognition mechanisms. However, faces are among the most visually similar objects that we need to recognize individually and most of us acquire a large amount of expertise in doing so throughout our lives. A diversity of techniques (e.g., expertise training with computer-generated objects, brain-lesion studies, functional magnetic resonance imaging experiments) can be used in order to explore factors that may contribute to the tuning of general mechanisms for the particular problem of face recognition. Current research continues to explore the role of expertise in object recognition, including new lines of research into perceptual expertise with letters and also haptic expertise. Other projects include looking at the role of spatial frequencies in various visual areas involved in object recognition and investigating interactions between the visual and semantic systems.
David Kirp talk on the relevance of Preschool Education

David Kirp, author and Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley, visits Google's Mountain View, CA headquarters to discuss his book "The Sandbox Investment: The Preschool Movement and Kids-First Politics"
As the author of fourteen books, David L. Kirp makes the ideal guide to this quiet movement. He crouches in classrooms where committed teachers engage lively four-year-olds, and reveals the findings of an extraordinary longitudinal study that shows the life-changing impact of preschool. He talks with cutting-edge researchers from neuroscience and genetics to economics, whose findings increasingly show how powerfully early childhood shapes the arc of children's lives.
This event took place on February 12, 2008, as a part of the Authors@Google series.
The Preschool Movement and Kids-First Politics

Sandbox Investment: Kids-First Politics
November 29, 2007

David L. Kirp professor, public policy, UC Berkeley
Kathleen McCartney professor, education, Harvard
Jack Shonkoff professor, child health & development, HGSE
Mica Pollock assistant professor, education, HGSE

David Kirp reveals the findings of a longitudinal study that shows the life-changing impact of preschool.

Kirp talked with cutting edge researchers from neuroscience and genetics to economics, whose findings increasingly show how powerfully early childhood shapes the arc of children's lives. His conclusion: Kids-first politics is smart economics. Paying for preschool now can help save us from paying for unemployment, crime, and emergency rooms later. Hear a discussion with David Kirp; Kathleen McCartney, Dean and Gerald S. Lesser Professor in Early Childhood Development; and Jack Shonkoff, Julius B. Richmond FAMRI Professor in Child Health and Development.
Mica Pollock, associate professor of education, gives the introduction.
Computational Neuroimaging
Recent work in the area of computational modeling for neuroimaging has brought about a potential revolution in understanding brain function. Using both machine learning and Neural Network methodology, both valid localization and brain interactivity are now becoming commonplace in the analysis and intepretation of brain maps. I will provide a short motivation and tutorial for brain imaging methods (in particular, fMRI) and then discuss several applications including FACE recognition in the brain showing a more combinatorial feature basis for object representations. Finally I will explore recent brain connectivity analysis of subjects watching movies ("The good, the bad and the ugly") and novel...

segunda-feira, 21 de setembro de 2009

TEDxSantaCruz : Riane Eisler - Building A Caring Economy


Riane Eisler is a social scientist, attorney, and author whose work on cultural transformation has inspired both scholars and social activists. Her research has impacted many fields, including history, economics, psychology, sociology, and education. She has been a leader in the movement for peace, sustainability, and economic equity, and her pioneering work in human rights has expanded the focus of international organizations to include the rights of women and children.

Dr. Eisler is President of the Center for Partnership Studies and internationally known for her bestseller The Chalice and The Blade: Our History, Our Future, now in 25 languages. Her newest book, The Real Wealth of Nations: Creating a Caring Economics proposes a new approach to economics that gives visibility and value to the most essential human work: the work of caring for people and nature.

This TEDxSantaCruz talk is part of over 2 dozen surrounding our theme of "Engage!" This inaugural TEDxSantaCruz event was held June 11, 2011 at the Cabrillo College Music Recital Hall in Aptos, CA (Santa Cruz County).
Globalization: Values Responsibilities and Global Justice

Jakob von Uexkull delivers the 6th Annual Frank K. Kelly Lecture on Humanity's Future at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Mr. Uexkull is the founder of the Right Livelihood Award, also known as the Alternative Nobel Prizes. He is also the founder of the World Future Council, a body of 50 globally recognized wise elders, pioneers and youth leaders. In this talk, von Uexkull deals with the issues of values, responsibilities and global justice in relation to globalization.
Jose Saramago janela da alma

domingo, 20 de setembro de 2009

CADTM - Vidéo : Analyse globale et originale des crises qui ébranlent le monde aujourd’hui

Les alternatives nécessaires pour éviter qu’elles ne se reproduisent, tant au Nord que dans les pays du Sud.

Par Eric TOUSSAINT, docteur en sciences politiques des universités de Liège et de Paris VIII, président du CADTM Belgique et auteur de nombreux livres et articles parmi lesquels les deux derniers ont à voir avec l’analyse de la crise actuelle. L’un est paru en janvier 2008 et est intitulé « Banque du Sud et nouvelle crise internationale », coédition CADTM-Syllepse, Liège-Paris, 2008. Le deuxième écrit avec Damien Millet est sorti d’imprimerie aujourd’hui mardi 28 octobre 2008 et sera en librairie dans les semaines qui viennent. Il s’intitule « 60 Questions/60 Réponses sur la dette, le FMI et la Banque mondiale ». Il est coédité par le CADTM et Syllepse, Liège-Paris.

TRANSITION TOWNS : An Interview with Rob Hopkins

The founder of a growing movement shows us around 'Transition Town Totnes' in Devon and talks about peak oil, the origin of the Transition Towns concept and how to help your community develop an 'energy descent plan' and prepare to 'power down.'
Charla coloquio sobre Decrecimiento: "Menos para vivir mejor"

El gran reto del decrecimiento en los países enriquecidos es aprender a producir valor, libertad y felicidad reduciendo significativamente la utilización de materia y energía, así como los desechos. Se trata de aprender a vivir mejor con menos para poder pasar de una cultura de guerra con los territorios y el conjunto de los seres vivos a una cultura de paz que permita construir otra forma de estar en el mundo.

Wade Davis: Cultures at the far edge of the world

With stunning photos and stories, National Geographic Explorer Wade Davis celebrates the extraordinary diversity of the world's indigenous cultures, which are disappearing from the planet at an alarming rate.

sábado, 19 de setembro de 2009

Contre grenelle 2

La Charte de La Décroissance
Le projet de la décroissance est la seule alternative possible au développement de la misère et à la destruction de la planète. La décroissance est un mouvement d'idées et un ensemble de pratiques qui n'appartiennent à personne. La Décroissance entend être au service de cette cause, mais ne prétend pas en être le dépositaire exclusif. Il se veut au contraire un vecteur de débats et de mobilisations pour convaincre les partisans du «développement durable» de leur impasse. Le journal s'adressera par son contenu au plus grand nombre, fort du principe que les choix politiques sont l'affaire de tous. Nous défendrons quelques grands principes qui constituent notre identité et la raison de notre combat. Nous sommes foncièrement humanistes, démocrates et fidèles à des valeurs comme la liberté, l'égalité et la fraternité. Nous ne croyons pas qu'il faille choisir entre la question écologique et la question sociale, qui sont pour nous intimement liées. La décroissance vise à rendre aux générations futures une planète sur laquelle non seulement il sera encore possible de vivre mais où il fera bon vivre. La décroissance ne propose pas de vivre «moins» mais «mieux», avec «moins de biens et plus de liens». La décroissance repose sur une autre conception de la société que toutes celles que proposent les autres partis politiques. Elle se fonde sur un autre rapport à l'espace et au temps mais qui n'est qu'une façon de renouer avec une longue histoire de combat contre dominations et aliénations. Nous sommes convaincus que l'émancipation sera l'oeuvre des humains eux-mêmes et au premier chef des plus faibles. Nous croyons en la possibilité de poursuivre l'aventure pour une société plus humaine, loin de toute idéalisation du passé ou des traditions ou d'un ailleurs. Nous n'avons pas de modèle car nous croyons à la nécessité d'inventer ensemble une société viable et juste. Le journal soutiendra toute initiative de simplicité volontaire mais travaillera aussi à l'articulation de ces initiatives individuelles ou communautaires à la construction d'un projet politique capable de faire rêver. Le journal sera une tribune des débats qui divisent et diviseront toujours ce mouvement. Le journal n'accueillera pas, en revanche, les idéologies qui font de l'humanité elle-même la source des problèmes. Nous combattons tout système productiviste et société de consommation mais nous ne voyons pas dans l'humanité notre adversaire. Nous pensons qu'il est possible et nécessaire de réconcilier le «principe responsabilité» et le «principe espérance».

Contre-Grenelle de l'environnement

L'organisation d'un Grenelle de l'environnement par le gouvernement Fillon n'est ni sérieuse ni crédible.
Elle n'est pas sérieuse de la part d'un Président qui vomissait il y a quelques jours encore Mai 68 et ses accords de Grenelle.
Elle n'est pas crédible de la part d'un chef d'État et d'un parti dont le programme électoral lui a valu la note déplorable de 8,5/20 lors de l'évaluation réalisée par les ONG, aujourd'hui conviées à la table officielle et pourtant peu soupçonnables de nourrir des logiques d'extrême-gauche, regroupés au sein de l' « Alliance pour la planète ».

Conférence de presse au club de la presse de Lyon Avec Paul Ariès, Philippe Lavodrama, René Balme , Bernard Francis, Florence Kurt à l'occasion du lancement du bi-mensuelle du journalle Sarkophage
Paul Aries contre les sarkozysmes

Entrevue de l'économiste Paul Aries par le maire de Grigny René Balme à l'occasion du lancement du journal "Sarkophage : contre tous les sarkozysmes" ce 14 juillet 2007 par Paul Aries.

Paul Ariès, l’un des principaux théoriciens et acteurs du combat contre la malbouffe (la fin des mangeurs, DDB), contre la McDonaldisation (Les Fils de McDo, l’harmattan, Petit Manuel anti-McDo, Golias), contre l’agression publicitaire (Putain de ta marque ! , petit manuel antipub, Golias), en faveur de la décroissance (décroissance ou barbarie, Golias) prolonge dans ce nouveau pamphlet sa critique au vitriol de la société de consommation et sa recherche de nouveaux moyens d’émancipation.

Le politologue lyonais revient sur la victoire idéologique du marxisme au 19e puis au 20e siècle qui a eu pour conséquence de réduire la contestation sociale à la seule sphère de la production et à la seule figure du prolétaire-salarié. Il montre comment les mouvements révolutionnaires (syndicalistes et politiques)faute de disposer d’une théorie critique de la consommation de masse ont vidé cette notion de tout contenu politique contribuant ainsi à la casse des cultures populaires. Il rappelle comment cette victoire du communisme a sonné le glas du mouvement coopératif si cher au vieux mouvement ouvrier. Il revient sur les causes des échecs des expérimentations dans le cadre du catholicisme social ou des milieux libertaires. Le peuple a donc appris au 20e siècle à devenir tout autant forçats de la consommation que forçats du travail. Il s’est fait à la discipline de la grande distribution comme à celle de la caserne et de l’usine. Les grands mouvements de défense des consommateurs ont ainsi beaucoup plus accompagné que contesté durant tout le 20e siècle le développement de la société de consommation. Les « exclus » et les « déçus » de la consommation sont cependant de plus en plus nombreux et ne cessent d’inventer de nouveaux fronts : commerce équitable, commerce éthique, consom-acteurs, etc. Le système économique fait cependant la preuve de sa capacité à digérer ces formes nouvelles de rebellion : banalisation de la « Bio » dans la grande distribution, loi de 2006 resteignant le commerce équitable aux seules relations Nord/Sud et refusant d’en faire un instrument pour faire évoluer l’ensemble des filières, etc. Ce courant de l’alter-consommation est donc déjà dépassé par la naissance d’un nouveau mouvement, cette fois ouvertement fondé sur le refus de la consommation. Des boycott ciblés à la « simplicité volontaire », du refus de l’idéologie des prix bas à celui des rituels qui nous font vivre la vie sur le mode du lèche-vitrine, de la volonté de consommer beaucoup moins au projet de lancer une grève générale de la consommation conçue comme un véritable mouvement social (avec ses revendications que l’on oppose aux gouvernements et patronat), « No Conso » est donc bien le bréviaire de l’anti-consommation tout comme « No Logo » fut celui de l’alterconsommation.
Contre le capitalisme vert - une vidéo Actu et Politique

Nous nous retrouverons à Lyon le 2 mai 2009 pour dire trois fois NON au capitalisme vert.

NON au bradage de l’écologie politique sous couvert d’une ouverture aux écologistes de marché.

NON aux capitulards du développement durable même maquillés en défenseurs d’une nouvelle régulation capitaliste.

NON aux tartufes de l’écologie médiatique qui pillent le vocabulaire de la décroissance et de l’antiproductivisme sans jamais parler une seule fois d’anticapitalisme.

Nous nous retrouverons à Lyon le 2 mai 2009 pour dire trois fois OUI.

OUI à un autre partage du gâteau : la première des décroissances doit être celle des inégalités.

OUI à un vrai débat démocratique dans la clarté : on ne changera pas le monde dans la confusion idéologique et avec comme partenaires les grandes transnationales.
OUI à une autre Europe démocratique où chaque pays soit capable de relocaliser ses activités économiques.

sexta-feira, 18 de setembro de 2009

CADTM - Vidéo : La fin de la pauvreté ?

Avec tant de richesses dans le monde, comment peut-on avoir autant de pauvreté ? « La Fin de la Pauvreté ? » retourne au début des temps modernes, au début des temps coloniaux, pour comprendre quand mais aussi pourquoi tout cela a commencé ? Les experts internationaux aussi bien que les victimes nous apportent des éléments de réponse, condamnant le colonialisme, l’économie de marché, la dette du tiers-monde, l’appropriation des terres et des autres ressources naturelles, qui entre autres condamnent les pays du tiers-monde et tous ceux qui s’efforcent de survivre dans un environnement toujours plus hostile. N’est-il pas temps de se demander pourquoi aujourd’hui 25% de la population mondiale consomme plus de 85% des ressources de la planète ?
CADTM - Les chiffres de la dette 2009

Pour comprendre la crise mondiale en cours, le CADTM met à disposition un ensemble de données qui permettent de déchiffrer un des ressorts essentiels de la situation internationale envisagée du point de vue du Sud de la planète. Des années 1960 à la crise globale qui frappe la planète aujourd’hui, le réseau international CADTM n’a cessé et ne cesse de jeter un regard critique sur l’économie mondiale et les mécanismes de domination qui sont en jeu. L’analyse des différentes statistiques est un élément central afin d’identifier les véritables enjeux et de proposer des alternatives à la hauteur de ceux-ci. Mal-développement humain, inégalités, dette odieuse, transferts financiers, cours des matières premières, Banque mondiale et FMI, tous les chiffres de la dette sont passés au crible par le CADTM dans ce vademecum 2009. Loin des longs discours dominants, le vademecum du CADTM projette un éclairage cru sur les réalités chiffrées d’un monde qui vacille. Un tel éclairage alimente la réflexion pour jeter les bases d’une logique économique radicalement autre, socialement juste et écologiquement soutenable.

Pour une analyse exhaustive reprenant ces différents chiffres, voir le livre 60 Questions 60 Réponses sur la dette, le FMI et la Banque mondiale.

quinta-feira, 17 de setembro de 2009

CADTM - Crise financière - ce que le public devrait savoir

Les crises financière, économique, alimentaire et climatique ont pris un caractère dramatique à l’échelle mondiale en 2008. Les effets seront de longue durée. Les réponses apportées aux crises en cours par les organisations internationales et la plupart des gouvernements augmentent leur crise de légitimité. En effet une grande partie de l’opinion se rend parfaitement compte qu’on sauve les banquiers sans égard pour les peuples. La conjonction de ces crises montre aux peuples la nécessité de se libérer de la société capitaliste et de son modèle productiviste car ils constituent la racine du problème.


Une plongée dans les coulisses de la géopolitique et de la finance internationale.

Contrairement à une idée reçue, la Banque mondiale n’a pas pour mission de réduire la pauvreté. Plutôt que combattre la pauvreté, elle la reproduit.

La Banque mondiale et son jumeau le FMI sont des instruments de subordination des pays endettés aux intérêts des puissances les plus industrialisées.

De leurs origines à aujourd’hui, ces institutions manifestent une réticence certaine à considérer que le respect des droits de l’homme fait partie de leur mandat. Elles ont systématiquement soutenu des dictatures et la politique qu’elles mènent constitue très souvent une violation des droits humains fondamentaux.

Il s’agit d’être lucide et de constater que le modèle de développement tel que promu par la Banque et le FMI n’a pas permis une amélioration des conditions de vie des populations concernées. Le bilan humain et environnemental est sans appel : négatif.

Avec le nouveau président de la Banque mondiale, Paul Wolfowitz, un promoteur de l’invasion de l’Irak et idéologue des néoconservateurs aux États-Unis, cela va être pire.

Ce livre permet de comprendre les forces fondamentales qui déterminent les politiques des grandes institutions financières internationales.